THE IMPORTANCE OF THE UNITED STATES to foster and improve commerce among the several States is indisputable.
The same is true for our commercial intercourse with foreign countries.
The commercial character of the United States has already excited uneasy sensations in several of the maritime powers of Europe.
They are apprehensive that our union will interfere with their carry of trade, which supports their navigation and naval strength.
Those countries with colonies in America foresee the dangers to their American dominions from United States, which would have the disposition and means to create a powerful marine.
The cabinet ministers of Europe already have in place policies designed to foster divisions among us, and to deprive us of an active commerce with our own ships.
By dividing us, they seek to prevent our interference in their navigation, monopolize the profits of our trade, and clip the wings by which we might soar to a dangerous greatness.
Methods to Counter Foreign Interference
If we continue united, we may counteract these unfriendly policies in a variety of ways.
By prohibitory regulations, we would oblige foreign countries to bid against each other for the privileges of our growing markets.
Any manufacturing nation would discern the immense difference between using its own ships to trade directly with our union and the indirect conveyance of its products and returns to and from the United States in the ships of another country.
If we excluded Great Britain from our ports, would it not enable us to negotiate, with the fairest prospect of success, for commercial privileges of the most valuable and extensive kind, in the dominions of that kingdom?
Some have responded that such a prohibition on our part would produce no change in the system of Britain, because she could prosecute her trade with us through the medium of the Dutch, who would be her immediate customers and paymasters for those articles which were wanted for the supply of our markets.
But would not her navigation be materially injured by the loss of the important advantage of being her own carrier in that trade?
Would not the principal part of its profits be intercepted by the Dutch, as a compensation for their agency and risk?
Would not the mere circumstance of freight occasion a considerable deduction?
The price of British commodities in our markets would increase, and facilitate competition from other nations by transferring to other hands the management of British commerce.
The cabinet ministers of Europe already have in place policies designed to foster divisions among us, and to deprive us of an active commerce with our own ships. By dividing us, they seek to prevent our interference in their navigation, monopolize the profits of our trade, and clip the wings by which we might soar to a dangerous greatness.
The real disadvantages to Britain from such a state of things – together with the predispositions of its inhabitants in favor of trade with the United States, as well as the needs of its colonies in the West India islands – would relax her present system let us enjoy privileges in the markets of those islands and elsewhere, from which our trade would derive the most substantial benefits.
To gain such a point from the British government, of course, could not be expected without an equivalent in exemptions and immunities in our markets.
It would, however, improve the conduct of other nations, who would not be inclined to see themselves altogether supplanted in our trade.
Monroe Doctrine Suggested
The establishment of a Federal navy would further improve the conduct of European nations toward our trade.
The continuance of the Union under an efficient Federal government would soon put in our power the ability to create a navy which – if it could not vie with those of the great maritime powers – would at least be of respectable weight if thrown into the scale of either of two contending parties.
This would be particularly true in the West Indies, where a few ships of the line, sent opportunely to the reinforcement of either side, would often be sufficient to decide the fate of a campaign.
Our position in this respect is a most commanding one.
If we add the usefulness of supplies from this country to the prosecution of military operations in the West Indies, we could bargain with great advantage for commercial privileges.
A price would be set not only upon our friendship, but upon our neutrality.
By a steady adherence to the Union we may hope soon to become the arbiter of Europe in America, and to be able to incline the balance of European competitions in this part of the world as our interest may dictate.
Should we fail to remain united, our commerce would be a prey to the wanton intermeddlings of all nations at war with each other, who, having nothing to fear from us, would with little scruple or remorse, supply their wants by depredations on our property as often as it fell in their way.
The rights of neutrality will only be respected when they are defended by an adequate power.
A nation that is despicable by its weakness forfeits even the privilege of being neutral.
Under a vigorous Federal government, the natural strength and resources of the country, directed to a common interest, would baffle all the combinations of European jealousy to restrain our growth.
An active commerce, an extensive navigation, and a flourishing marine would then be the offspring of moral and physical necessity.
We might defy the little arts of little politicians to control or vary the irresistible and unchangeable course of nature.
Without a union, powerful maritime nations would avail themselves of our universal impotence to prescribe the conditions of our political existence, since they have a common interest in being our carriers, and still more in preventing our becoming theirs.
We would be confined to a passive commerce, compelled to content ourselves with the first price of our commodities, and to see the profits of our trade snatched from us to enrich our enemies and persecutors.
That unequaled and inexhaustible American spirit of enterprise, exemplified by the genius of our merchants and navigators, would be stifled and lost, and poverty and disgrace would overspread a country which, with wisdom, might make herself the admiration and envy of the world.
Due to the length of her superiority, Europe has plumed herself the Mistress of the World. She considers the rest of mankind as created for her benefit.
Our nation holds rights to coastal fisheries and navigation of the Great Lakes and Mississippi.
If the Union is dissolved, these rights would be open to question, and the European powers would hardly fail to solve those questions to our disadvantage.
The rights of fishing and navigation are important to all navigating States, and would be more so with a greater extension of mercantile capital.
The navigating States are a nursery of seamen, who in turn are indispensable to the establishment of a navy.
Every institution will grow and flourish in proportion to the quantity and extent of the means concerted towards the formation and support of a navy.
A navy of the United States – established from the resources of all – is far less remote than a navy of any single State or partial confederacy.
Each region of America will contribute its own part. The more southern States furnish in greater abundance certain kinds of naval stores – tar, pitch, and turpentine – as well as wood of a more solid and durable texture. Iron from the southern and middle States is plentiful and of better quality. Seamen must chiefly be drawn from the northern hive.
The necessity of naval protection to external or maritime commerce requires no elucidation.
Similarly, the success of maritime commerce is conducive to the prosperity of a navy.
An unrestrained intercourse of trade between the States will advance the trade of each; first, by an interchange of their respective productions for the supply of reciprocal wants at home, and second, for export to foreign markets.
The diversity in the production of different States will give commercial enterprise a much greater scope, from the diversity in the productions of different States.
When the staple of one fails from a bad harvest or unproductive crop, it can call to its aid the staple of another.
The variety of products for export contributes as much as does their value to the activity of foreign commerce.
Much better terms can be had with a large number of materials of a given value than with a small number of materials of the same value.
Particular articles may be in great demand at certain periods and unsalable at others.
The greater the variety of articles available for export, the lesser the chance the operations of merchants would stagnate.
The speculative trader will at once perceive the force of these observations.
A union is far more likely to command a fair price for its goods than single State or partial confederacy.
Some might argue that an intimate intercourse between the States would exist with or without a union, thus achieving the same ends.
To this we believe these papers show that such intercourse would be fettered, interrupted and narrowed by a multiplicity of causes.
A unity of commercial and political interests can result only from a unity of government.
The Hubris of Europe
Our situation invites and our interests prompt us to aim at an ascendant in the system of American affairs.
At present, the world is divided politically and geographically into four parts – Europe, Africa, Asia, and America – each having a distinct set of interests.
Unhappily for the other three, Europe – by her arms and negotiations, by force and fraud – has by degrees extended her dominion over them all.
Africa, Asia, and America have successively felt her domination.
Due to the length of her superiority, Europe has plumed herself the Mistress of the World.
She considers the rest of mankind as created for her benefit.
Some philosophers actually have attributed to Europe’s inhabitants a physical superiority, and seriously asserted that all animals – and with them the human species – degenerate in America – so that even dogs cease to bark after having breathed awhile in our atmosphere.
Unfortunately, the facts have too long supported these arrogant pretensions.
Therefore it falls to America to vindicate the honor of the human race, and to teach moderation to our pretentious European brethren.
A Federal union will enable us to do it.
Disunion will add another victim to Europe’s triumphs.
Let Americans disdain to be the instruments of European greatness!
Let the thirteen States – bound together in a strict and indissoluble union – concur in erecting one great American system, superior to the control of all transatlantic force or influence, and able to dictate the terms of the connection between the old world the new one!
Hamilton